SB62 Unpacked

YEE’s experience on the international climate negotiations

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Stephanny Ulivieri, Project Lead and COP30 Coordinator and Samira Ben Ali, Oceans Project Assistant in the New York Plenary Room in Bonn

Want to know more about the Global Just Transition Mechanism? Check out this short BAM explainer.

Picture from the intervention done by the Environmental NGOs (ENGO), one of the 9 official constituencies, during one of the JTWP negotiations
Picture of the meeting with Denise Dora in Bonn.
Meeting with Swiss Youth for Climate members, one of YEE’s member organisations!

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YEE’s first official delegation to SB62

Earlier this summer, Youth and Environment Europe (YEE) took an important step towards its COP30 preparation by joining the 62nd session of the Subsidiary Bodies (SB62) of the UNFCCC in Bonn with its first official in-person and online delegation to the international climate gathering. This marked a significant milestone in YEE’s advocacy journey this year, further cementing our presence in formal international climate negotiations.

Overview of the negotiations

While this was the first time YEE had attended the international climate gathering in person, it was also the first time we had a virtual delegation, which was both challenging and inspiring. As is often the case in the UNFCCC process, access to real negotiations remains limited for observers, and virtual participation was no exception. Most key negotiating sessions were closed to online observers, and even for the few that were open, technical issues such as platform lag made it difficult to join on time or follow them fully.

Still, following workshops and informal consultations gave more understanding into the process of upcoming COP negotiations and some hope for more productive and action-oriented discussions at Belém. The YEE online team closely followed discussions on gender and inclusion of Local Peoples and Indigenous Communities in the UNFCCC framework. A new Gender Action Plan (GAP) was being discussed, and the term intersectionality came up more frequently, signalling a positive shift in negotiation language. 

Gender and inclusion in climate policy

One of the notable developments was care work and gender-based violence being recognised, but Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights (SRHR) and inclusive language are still contested, with some countries restricting gender to biological sex. While constructive engagement continues, more work is needed before COP30 to secure an ambitious, actionable GAP with funding. Gender mainstreaming showcased uneven progress, while some adaptation references were made, a notable step back was observed in the agreed language. Overall, cautious optimism is warranted alongside ongoing advocacy to set gender justice in climate action.

Key issues raised included the recognition of people of African descent, the need for gender-disaggregated data, and broader calls for intersectional approaches. YOUNGO’s intervention emphasised that age must also be considered, especially when it comes to children, who remain largely invisible in climate finance frameworks.

It was encouraging to see these issues raised by multiple parties, reflecting growing awareness. At the same time, heated debates around the definition of gender showed that more work is needed, including from civil society, to keep challenging the stigma and push for broader acceptance of non-binary and inclusive gender identities in climate policy spaces. 

Just Transition Work Programme (JTWP) highlights

The on-the-ground delegation also closely followed the Just Transition Work Programme (JTWP) negotiations, which stood out as one of the silver lining elements of SB62. Despite limited progress across other negotiation streams, discussions under the JTWP signalled a growing openness to more rights-based, inclusive approaches that prioritise workers, frontline communities, and youth.

For YEE, this space offered meaningful entry points to push for climate justice through structured and ongoing engagement. But the fight is not yet over. Having left Bonn with a strong chairs’ note draft was just the beginning in order for us to obtain an ambitious decision later this year at COP30. Before that, in early September, the Fourth Dialogue under the United Arab Emirates just transition work programme will take place in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, and it will focus on “Just energy transition pathways and holistic approaches to just transitions including socioeconomic, workforce, social protection and other dimensions, based on nationally defined development priorities“.

The messages and summaries arising out of the dialogue will be integrated into the existing draft text, thus essentially shaping what negotiators will be focusing on in Belém. And that is where our role will matter – holding the lines for negotiators to know that civil society needs a strong text to come out of it. For example, one of the main cross-constituency proposals is about the BAM (Belém Action Mechanism) for a Global Just Transition, concrete ideas on how to operationalise the JTWP and discuss actionable outcomes. 

Adaptation negotiations and global resilience

Negotiations on adaptation measures showed the balance between urgency and capacity, with parties emphasising that adaptation guidance to be based on practical experiences and lessons learned by implementing nations. There was also a call for better coherence among review processes like the Global Stocktake and the Methodology Panel. Persistent capacity constraints, especially among smaller delegations, were mentioned regarding the conduct of comprehensive reviews as early as 2027 or postponing them to 2028.

The discussions showcased the intention of pursuing a balanced approach to build collaboration, inclusivity, and actionable climate resilience strategies globally. Yet, there were missed opportunities, like no concrete agreement on further advancing National Adaptation Plans (NAPs) and some issues being postponed to SBI 63. Overall, while negotiations set foundations, NGOs and civil society expect faster, clearer commitments, stronger financial support, and implementation of more inclusive, ambitious adaptation to meet the urgency of climate impacts worldwide.

Beyond negotiations – youth-led advocacy and solidarity

Right at the beginning of the SBs, alongside partners from the Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL) and the World’s Youth for Climate Justice (WYCJ), the delegation co-hosted a side event on the right to a healthy environment. The discussion unpacked the international legal basis of this fundamental right, recent developments at the Council of Europe, and how youth can leverage these tools in their advocacy and litigation work.

The YEE delegation also attended and supported the second edition of the Bonn Climate Camp, a dynamic and inclusive space co-created by youth and civil society. It provided a much needed alternative to the often too sterile halls of conferences, with it becoming a space for dialogue, creativity, resistance, and deep connection, a reminder that our fights are not just about policy—they’re essentially about people.

On top of that, Bonn was a moment to meet some of our member organisations in person and to connect with other friends and allies, such as those part of the CAN-I Just Transition Working Group, and the members of the Human Rights and Climate Change Working Group, through which we had the chance to have bilaterals and meet with people such as Elisa Morguera, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Human Rights and Climate Change and Denise Dora, COP30 Special Envoy for Human Rights and Just Transition.

Looking ahead to COP30

Bonn was also a moment for solidarity and resistance. The YEE delegation joined protests in support of Palestine and stood by civil society against the censorship being imposed by the UNFCCC Secretariat. 

SB62 marked just the beginning of YEE’s presence in international climate negotiations in 2025, with COP30 on the horizon. Building on this experience, YEE managed to expand its policy engagement, strengthen partnerships, and support young people across its network to access and influence global climate spaces.

Showing up matters—and this first official presence at SB62 was a clear signal that YEE is ready to contribute with purpose, solidarity, and a deep commitment to youth-led climate action.

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SB62 Unpacked

Delving into the Bioeconomy and the Power of Youth

The bioeconomy represents a unique chance to shift towards a more sustainable and less harmful way of living and doing business, while also reconciling with nature. Young people have a key role to play.

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Explainers

Bioeconomy refers to all economic activities that rely on renewable biological resources.

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Many of you have probably heard the word bioeconomy before. But what does it really mean? These days, people are talking about it more and more, especially since the European Commission has announced its intention to update the EU Bioeconomy Strategy by the end of this year. The goal? to make the EU’s bioeconomy more sustainable, more circular, and more competitive. To get there, Europe must invest in innovation, create green jobs, and bring new bio-based solutions to the market — all while keeping its long-term goals in focus: decarbonising the economy and protecting the environment. 

Yet despite this political and social momentum, the concept of the bioeconomy — and why it matters — remains unfamiliar to many. So let’s break it down: What is the bioeconomy? And more importantly, how can young people help shape its future and seize the opportunities it offers?

What Is the Bioeconomy?

In simple terms, the bioeconomy refers to all economic activities that rely on renewable biological resources. These bio-based resources include plants, forests, fish, animals, and micro-organisms — anything that comes from nature and can be renewed. They are used to produce food, feed, bio-based products, energy, and services.

But what does this look like in real life? Below are some examples that illustrate how this transformation is taking place in the fashion and plastics industries:

From Fruit Waste to Fashion

Let’s start with fashion, a major industry that puts immense pressure on natural ecosystems, as most clothing today is made from fossil-based materials like polyester, which causes pollution and carbon emissions. But even in this gloomy context,  alternatives are emerging. One example is the Italian company Orange Fiber, which transforms citrus waste from the juice industry into textile fabrics. That’s right — fabric made from orange peels! Their approach reduces industrial waste and preserves natural resources, as nothing new needs to be cultivated or extracted from nature. 

Turning Waste Into Bioplastics

Similarly, the Spanish company Venvirotech uses food and agricultural waste as raw material to produce bioplastics. How? By using bacteria that naturally generate biopolymers, which are then turned into biodegradable plastics. These bioplastics break down in the environment without leaving behind toxins or microplastics, ensuring human and ecosystem health. 

Another inspiring initiative is the Plastisea project,  which develops bioplastics from seaweed, providing another bio-based solution to the global plastic crisis.

Why does the Bioeconomy Matter?

All in all, bio-based feedstocks can be transformed into a wide range of products, offering alternatives to fossil-based resources. But why do we want and need these alternatives? Because transitioning from fossil-based to bio-based is critical to protecting our planet and combating climate change. 

At the same time,  we must not forget that these resources originate from nature, and their use must respect our planetary boundaries; in other words, we cannot extract resources in ways that harm the planet’s ability to recover and stay healthy. Unfortunately, this is already happening in many parts of the world, which is why this transformation must come hand in hand with strong sustainability and circularity principles

Lastly, since this shift toward a bio-based economy will impact all sectors of society, it is important that everyone is involved, including young people.

Youth and Bioeconomy

So, how can young people shape the future of the bioeconomy and seize the opportunities it offers? First, by becoming key drivers of innovation. Our generation will bring new ideas and solutions that can potentially transform a wide range of sectors. This transformation opens up exciting opportunities, from research and innovation to entrepreneurship and new job opportunities. To unlock this potential, education is essential. Knowledge must be shared and be accessible at all levels, ensuring that rural communities are active participants in this transformation. Empowering the young through education and mentoring will be critical, but equally important is their inclusion in shaping bioeconomy policies at different levels

At the same time,  young people can influence the bioeconomy as conscious consumers. By choosing bio-based and sustainably sourced products, we can send strong market signals that encourage more responsible production. However, the burden of sustainability should not rest solely on individual choices. Companies must ensure that their claims about bio-based products are credible, transparent, and traceable. Information campaigns are also crucial to help young consumers make informed decisions. 

Empowering Youth to Shape a Sustainable Bioeconomy

The bioeconomy represents a unique chance to shift towards a more sustainable and less harmful way of living and doing business, while also reconciling with nature. Young people have a key role to play – from actively shaping policies, driving innovation and research to consuming bio-based products, among other important contributions. 

We hope this article offers young people a clearer glimpse into what the bioeconomy is and inspires you to engage in shaping its future. As a youth-led organisation, we are providing comments for the future EU Bioeconomy Strategy, ensuring that youth perspectives are heard and considered in future policies.

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Delving into the Bioeconomy and the Power of Youth

Next Gen EU Parliament: Interviews with young MEPs

As part of the Youth in EU Elections 2024 project, we aim to bring the European Parliament closer to young people and to raise awareness of the impact of the electoral process on European citizens.

720 Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) were elected in June 2024; among these, 36 were young MEPs under 35 years old after the election. We focused specifically on communicating about the newly elected members of Parliament for the coming cycle. 

As a pan-European youth organisation, we work to amplify youth voices in decision-making. We therefore wanted to hear from the young European parliamentarians and ask them about key topics that are relevant for young people around the continent.

We therefore listed all MEPs under 35 and contacted all to ask to join for an interview on topics of environment and climate change, youth participation, green jobs and education. Out of 36 MEPs contacted, 8 of them responded to the request for an interview and were all provided with the same set of questions they could answer. Below you will find the answers to the interview questions by the 8 young MEPs who chose to participate and their short bio.

Environmental protection and climate action

MEP Peter-Hansen prioritises achieving an ambitious 2040 climate goal and ensuring all EU climate legislation aligns with the Paris Agreement. She calls for increased investments in renewable energy and measures to phase out fossil fuels as part of Europe’s clean energy transition.

Another key focus is banning harmful chemicals in everyday products to protect human health and the environment. She also advocates for stronger risk and hazard assessments to address the long-term effects of chemical use.

Her overarching aim is to align the EU’s climate policies with international agreements while addressing harmful substances that threaten human health and biodiversity.

Climate protection and sustainable regional development are central to MEP Repp’s work, particularly in rural regions like Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, Saxony-Anhalt, and the Baltic Sea. She focuses on combining climate protection with regional development, ensuring that investments in renewable energy, sustainable technologies, and modern infrastructure strengthen rural areas while creating jobs and securing their future.

A strong advocate for sustainable agriculture and fisheries, she supports scientifically based catch quotas, expanded marine protection areas, and reforms of the Common Agricultural Policy to reduce pesticide use and promote organic farming. These efforts align with her goal of creating a green transformation that benefits the environment and local communities.

She backs ambitious EU climate targets, including a 2040 emissions reduction target, and highlights the importance of socially just transition through tools like the Just Transition Fund and Social Climate Fund. MEP Repp works to ensure rural areas contribute to and benefit from the EU’s climate neutrality goals.

As a member of the ENVI Committee, MEP Ridel views Europe as the ideal place to address climate change, which she believes is spiralling out of control. She places significant emphasis on protecting biodiversity, warns against the ongoing sixth mass extinction, and highlights the role of nature in combating the climate crisis.

MEP Ridel is committed to fighting environmental disinformation, which threatens public debate, especially on social media. She stresses the importance of protecting scientists from fake news and online violence and recommends exploring Quota Climat’s work for insights.

Her efforts extend to opposing the criminalisation of environmental activists, such as Paul Watson. She considers protecting activists vital for maintaining momentum in preserving a habitable planet.

MEP Schilling is focused on protecting the European Green Deal, particularly against efforts by conservative forces to undermine it. They advocate for ambitious climate targets, calling for a 90–95% reduction in emissions by 2040, as recommended by the European Scientific Advisory Board on Climate Change.

She emphasises that politics happens beyond parliaments, advocating for greater grassroots engagement and bridging the gap between politics and citizens. Protecting the Green Deal and implementing ambitious climate laws are top priorities.

MEP Schilling also stresses the importance of ensuring the green transition is socially just. To meet the EU’s Fit for 55 goals, transformative changes across the transport, industry, and energy sectors are needed.

MEP Scuderi emphasises the need for a holistic industrial policy that goes beyond decarbonisation to address biodiversity loss, deforestation, and soil degradation. She argues that focusing narrowly on emissions risks perpetuating superficial solutions while ignoring systemic environmental crises.

Her vision includes integrating biodiversity and natural resource conservation into industrial strategies to prevent past mistakes and create sustainable change. She prioritises re-industrialising nations to produce tools for the energy transition, ensuring clean energy access and job creation.

Scuderi also advocates for community involvement in renewable energy projects through energy citizenship and shared governance. By fostering local support, she aims to accelerate the adoption of renewables and ensure equitable benefits from the transition.

MEP Strolenberg’s primary focus within the Agriculture Committee is transitioning toward more plant-based agriculture to reduce reliance on animal-based products. This transition has multiple benefits, including lower greenhouse gas emissions, healthier diets for Europeans, reduced soil degradation caused by livestock waste, and improved resilience to climate-related challenges such as floods and droughts. She strongly advocates for crop diversification, viewing it as essential to building a more climate-resilient agricultural sector.

In practical terms, MEP Strolenberg has questioned the Agriculture Commissioner about crop diversification targets for 2026. Although the response was disappointing, she welcomed the promise to update the EU protein strategy. She is now collaborating with NGOs, scientists, and parliamentary colleagues to build a coalition and develop a detailed plan for advancing this transition.

She emphasises the lack of specific greenhouse gas reduction targets for the agricultural sector, which she considers essential for achieving the EU’s climate neutrality goals. MEP Strolenberg plans to advocate for such targets, potentially through a future reform of the Emissions Trading System.

Environmental protection is a core priority for MEP Sieper, a member of the TRAN Committee. He is committed to green mobility and promotes electric vehicles, improves public transport, and advances green freight solutions. His vision includes a unified European public transport system with integrated ticketing across borders, which he views as one of the most impactful and easily implemented climate solutions.

He also champions the energy transition, with a strong focus on scaling renewable energy sources such as water, wind, and solar power. A particular priority is the renewal and expansion of Europe’s solar industry, which he believes is crucial for a sustainable future.

MEP Sieper is deeply committed to environmental protection. He emphasises the importance of reforestation and establishing animal protection zones free from human interference. He believes harming ecosystems directly harms biodiversity and creates wider-reaching environmental impacts.

MEP Vieira sees environmental protection as inseparable from her work on the Trade and Human Rights Committees. She prioritises ensuring that partnerships with third countries provide mutual benefits in sustainable development, focusing on resources needed for Europe’s energy and climate transition. MEP Vieira highlights the importance of redirecting trade investments to support climate action and the energy transition while protecting environmental defenders from harm. Her integrated approach links trade, human rights, and environmental priorities.

She also emphasises the interconnection between human rights and environmental protection and advocates for the rights of environmental defenders. Many NGOs approach her about addressing human rights issues outside the EU, and she is committed to bringing environmental concerns into these discussions.

Youth participation

MEP Peter-Hansen fosters youth participation through social media channels, where she collects input and ideas from young people. She also conducts workshops and lectures with Danish school groups visiting the Parliament. Open to new approaches, she actively seeks ways to further engage youth voices.

MEP Repp is dedicated to ensuring youth voices shape EU policymaking. She champions initiatives like youth parliaments and mentorship programs to empower young people and supports a Youth Check to ensure EU policies reflect their concerns.

Repp actively connects with young people through school tours, political education programs, and digital platforms, making the EU accessible and relatable. She collaborates with youth organisations to gather input and promote opportunities for active engagement. Her goal is to create a Europe where young people feel represented and involved in shaping their future.

MEP Ridel created a group of young MEPs within the Socialists & Democrats group, a first in the European Parliament. This group focuses on representing the expectations of younger generations and influencing the political faction’s positions.

She strongly advocates for lowering the voting age to 16, citing its success in Belgium and expressing a desire to expand this measure across the EU. She views this reform as essential to empowering young people and amplifying their voices in public debate.

MEP Schilling prioritises amplifying youth perspectives, which are often overlooked in policymaking. As a young MEP, she emphasises the importance of directly engaging with young people to ensure their concerns are represented.

Her primary focus is climate justice. She advocates for protecting ecosystems and biodiversity to secure a sustainable future for young generations. Schilling connects environmental priorities with broader social concerns, such as affordable transport, housing, and food, stressing the need for an equitable green transition.

By participating in panels and discussions, she strives to include young voices in negotiations and policy processes, ensuring meaningful participation rather than token representation.

MEP Strolenberg integrates youth perspectives into her policymaking by engaging directly with young people, including young farmers, to understand their concerns. She believes in the importance of involving women in the green and just transition, emphasising that education is the starting point. Her party applies a youth test to all policies, assessing their impact on future generations to ensure inclusivity and long-term thinking.

MEP Sieper has outlined four key priorities to enhance youth participation:

  1. Improving Education: He emphasises the need for better education systems, particularly in Germany, where 16 state-level variations complicate the unified system. MEP Sieper is advocating through his European office to address these challenges and promote new courses on democracy and political systems, as well as digital competencies.
  2. Erasmus+: He strongly supports Erasmus+, which he considers the best program for fostering diversity. Concerned about potential budget cuts proposed by the Council, he is determined to advocate for increased funding through his committee.
  3. Promoting Transparency: MEP Sieper is committed to transparency by uploading all his interactions on YouTube. He requires that any lobbyist requesting a meeting with him agrees to a transparency clause he has established, namely being filmed and uploaded on YouTube during the interaction.
  4. Democratic Participation: He actively engages his community in decision-making processes, such as using Instagram to gather opinions on whether Ursula von der Leyen should serve a second term. He also involves German citizens in drafting his priorities and strategy to ensure their voices shape his program.

MEP Vieira gave four priorities for youth participation

  1. Diversity: MEP Vieira values diversity and is pleased to see greater representation of different age groups within the Green Party and across the Parliament.
  2. Climate: She is committed to advancing climate policies that protect current and future generations. MEP Vieira will fight in the Parliament to maintain and expand its ambition on climate matters.
  3. Fighting for rights and freedoms: She ensures young people are active in the fight for human rights, decent living conditions, standing against racism and sexism, and protecting the rights of LGBTQIA+ people.

Green jobs

MEP Peter-Hansen highlights the importance of involving schools and preparing training programs to equip young people with the new skills needed for the green transition. She stresses that education systems must align with the demands of a greener economy to ensure the workforce is future-ready.

MEP Repp focuses on expanding access to vocational training, higher education, and lifelong learning to enable young people to participate in the green transformation. She emphasises the development of green and digital skills while advocating for linking the European Education Area, Higher Education Area, and Research and Innovation Area to provide quality education and lifelong learning opportunities.

She champions initiatives like Erasmus+ and the European Solidarity Corps, working to make them more inclusive and accessible, especially for young people in rural areas. In regional development, she advocates for the “right to stay” concept by investing in local job opportunities, sustainable infrastructure, and high-quality education in less-developed areas. Repp believes that fostering regional growth will empower young people to contribute to the green and digital transitions, strengthening social cohesion and equal opportunities across Europe.

MEP Scuderi prioritises creating quality jobs for young people, emphasising that reindustrialisation can drive stable and better-paid employment. She calls for banning unpaid internships to ensure equitable access to the job market, which aligns with their work as shadow rapporteurs on related initiatives.

She focuses on addressing the skills transition, supporting both workers already in the workforce and marginalised groups, such as young people, women, racialised individuals, and people with disabilities. By taking an intersectional approach, she aims to ensure opportunities reach all groups, fostering equity in the green economy.

Scuderi also links tackling climate challenges with creating a better future for youth. On housing, she advocates for affordable and sustainable housing solutions, including building more social housing, renovating vulnerable homes for energy efficiency, and reducing financial speculation in the housing market. For young people, access to sustainable housing is integral to a fair and just transition.

MEP Strolenberg emphasises the importance of equipping young people with the skills and tools needed to actively participate in the Just Transition through education. She advocates for organising youth citizens’ assemblies to involve young people more directly in policymaking and ensure their input shapes the green transition.

Environmental education

MEP Peter-Hansen engages with citizens, especially young people, through social media, lectures, and talks. She prioritises educating young visitors to the Parliament and sharing insights about the EU’s environmental goals and policies. Her work focuses on achieving climate neutrality by 2050, with renewable energy as a top priority. She emphasises creating an economy that works for people and nature over corporate interests, using her leadership role in the Greens/EFA group to drive these efforts.

As part of her commitment to supporting young people, MEP Repp integrates environmental education into broader youth initiatives. She focuses on making education and mobility more accessible, with plans to expand Erasmus+ and increase its budget to €56 billion by 2028. She also aims to strengthen the European Solidarity Corps, which fosters social cohesion and supports environmental and social projects.

Repp highlights the importance of engaging young people politically through youth parliaments and youth organisations, which provide positive perspectives to counter right-wing ideologies. She sees education and environmental awareness as integral to equipping a generation to tackle future challenges.

MEP Schilling views politics as a societal activity and emphasises the urgency of addressing the climate crisis through education and communication. She stresses that the transition must be socially just and that desirable and meaningful green jobs must be created.

Schilling highlights the importance of communicating the positive outcomes of climate action, such as improved public transport and affordable travel options, which not only combat climate change but also enhance quality of life. By focusing on these benefits, she aims to make the transition more relatable and widely supported.

MEP Scuderi reflects on key victories in the climate fight, including securing ambitious emission reduction targets, but stresses that implementation and education are critical next steps. She highlights the need for substantial investment in the energy transition and advocates for framing arguments around competitiveness and convenience to counter opposition.

Scuderi also emphasises the importance of engaging citizens through accessible narratives, arguing that environmental education and awareness are essential for achieving sustainability and global competitiveness.

MEP Strolenberg promotes environmental awareness and education by engaging with young people and NGOs within and outside the Parliament. She prioritises including youth voices in policymaking and actively uses social media to amplify her advocacy efforts, ensuring broad engagement and visibility.

MEP Sieper acknowledges that climate awareness already exists but emphasises the importance of bringing all generations on board. He values strong partnerships with civil society organisations and focuses on educating people about local opportunities to foster engagement. While global problems require global solutions, he highlights the importance of local perspectives to inspire fresh approaches. MEP Sieper remains committed to advocating his convictions at the Commission to achieve concrete progress.

MEP Vieira believes that effective communication is key to fostering environmental education. To stay informed about developments outside the Parliament, she dedicates 35% of her time to meeting with knowledgeable individuals, including representatives from civil society organisations. Her approach centres on amplifying the voices of those who voted for her and ensuring their perspectives are reflected in her work.

European Degree

MEP Repp fully supports the EU Council’s goal of establishing a European Degree to ensure the uniform recognition of higher education qualifications across Europe. She views this initiative as vital for enhancing student mobility and creating equal opportunities for young people to study and work throughout the EU.

Repp advocates for strengthening initiatives like the European Universities Initiative, which fosters collaboration between universities and businesses to align curricula and qualifications. She also supports the full implementation of the European Education Area, which promotes the recognition of qualifications, skills, and learning periods across borders, ensuring equal access for students from diverse educational backgrounds.

To make the European Degree more inclusive, Repp highlights the importance of integrating non-formal and informal learning into the recognition system. This approach would ensure that all types of education and training are acknowledged, further advancing accessibility and inclusivity for students across Europe.

Erasmus+

MEP Peter-Hansen sees Erasmus+ as an important tool for cultural exchange and friendship. In her view, it helps young people learn about European culture and build lasting relationships. She strongly supports the program’s mission and its potential to connect young Europeans.

MEP Repp is deeply committed to Erasmus+, which she recognizes as a crucial tool for mobility, intercultural understanding, and equal education opportunities across Europe. As part of the S&D group, she advocates for doubling the program’s funding to €56 billion for the 2028-2034 period.

Inclusivity is a key focus for Repp, as she works to make Erasmus+ more accessible to disadvantaged and rural youth while reducing administrative barriers. She also aims to integrate sustainability and digital skills into the program, ensuring it prepares young Europeans for future challenges. By strengthening Erasmus+, Repp seeks to foster a more connected, resilient, and united EU.

MEP Ridel expresses concern over potential cuts to the Erasmus+ budget and calls such developments regrettable. In response, the French delegation in the European Parliament launched a communication campaign and petition to protect the program’s funding. Ridel pledges to fight to preserve and support Erasmus+ throughout the next five years to ensure it remains a pillar of European education and cultural exchange.

MEP Scuderi emphasises the need to strengthen and restructure Erasmus+ to enhance youth participation across Europe. She advocates for increased funding and direct support to national and local organizations, particularly in countries where youth participation is undervalued or underfunded.

Scuderi highlights the political challenges faced by youth organisations, particularly in countries where far-right governments interfere with funding. To address this, she proposes direct EU funding for youth councils to prevent political bias and ensure consistent support across member states. Her ultimate goal is to tackle systemic inequities and ensure that Erasmus+ provides equitable opportunities for young people, enabling them to actively shape their future regardless of their background or country of origin.

MEP Sieper strongly supports Erasmus+, which he views as the best program for fostering diversity and intercultural understanding. Concerned about potential budget cuts proposed by the Council, he is committed to advocating for increased funding through his committee to ensure the program continues to meet its goals.

Future Generations

MEP Repp emphasises the importance of appointing a Commissioner for Intergenerational Justice to address challenges different generations face. She strongly supports Commissioner Glenn Micallef, highlighting his shared vision as a Social Democrat and his unique perspective as the youngest member of the Commission. MEP Repp praises his commitment to including young people in decision-making processes and developing policies with their input, particularly in areas such as intergenerational justice, education, skills development, mental health, youth employment, and mobility programs like Erasmus+ and the European Voluntary Service.

Repp stresses the need for collective action between young and older generations to tackle pressing challenges like climate change, social inequality, and digital transformation. She advocates for mutual understanding and cooperation across age groups to achieve solutions that benefit all and foster a more inclusive Europe.

Regarding Micallef’s mission, Repp identifies his focus on centralising youth issues in EU policy-making as essential. She suggests he engage closely with youth organisations, promote cooperation on topics such as youth employment and mental health, and strengthen the EU youth strategy. She underscores the importance of providing Micallef with the tools and resources necessary to succeed in his role, emphasising his competence, passion, and commitment to youth well-being and intergenerational fairness.

MEP Peter-Hansen strongly supports the concept of intergenerational fairness, emphasising the need to ensure that future generations inherit a planet in better condition than the one we received. She views the role of a Commissioner for Intergenerational Fairness as a valuable initiative, provided it is equipped with the right tools and responsibilities.

However, Peter-Hansen cautions that this role must not become a symbolic title with an empty portfolio or act as a substitute for a green Commissioner. During the confirmation hearings, she plans to use her platform to ask critical questions about the Commissioner’s focus, such as whether their priority will be safeguarding the interests of future generations or addressing the concerns of older people.

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Next Gen EU Parliament: Interviews with young MEPs

Reflections on INC-5: A Delayed Milestone, not a Failure

This session was supposed to be the “end of the beginning,” when the world would step out with the first-ever global plastic treaty.

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In treaty negotiations, brackets indicate text that is still under discussion and might be added, deleted or revised. They help show areas where agreement has not been found yet. This allows negotiators to know which part of the text needs more debate.

A non-paper is an informal document used in diplomatic negotiations to propose ideas, outline potential solutions, or highlight issues without a formal position.

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Expectations ran high as delegates convened in Busan, South Korea, from 25 November to 1 December 2024. They met for the fifth session of the Intergovernmental Negotiating Committee (INC) to develop a legally binding instrument on plastic pollution, including in the marine environment.

This session was supposed to be the “end of the beginning,” when the world would step out with the first-ever global plastic treaty, which did not happen. However, calling INC-5 a failure would overlook the complexities of negotiating and treaty-making and the leap forward that took place at INC-5.

Laying the Foundation for INC-5

The intersessional period between INC-4 and INC-5 was busier than ever, marked by the agreed-upon intersessional work of two working groups. With the revised zero text widely declared unworkable due to the text mostly being bracketed, INC Chair Luis Vayada technically went beyond his mandate with good intention by issuing informal drafts called non-papers which aimed to bring member states to an agreement. The final one, non-paper three, outlined a treaty with proposed ways forward to INC-5 and COP-1. As a result, there was a lot of uncertainty over which paper would be used as a starting point for negotiations.

Familiarity with the past at the beginning of INC-5

As the plenary opened in Busan, familiar obstacles emerged. Low-ambition countries applied delay tactics, resurrecting the ever-prolonged debate over the still-in-draft form rules of procedure. Hours of discussion yielded few breakthroughs, but eventually, the chair and most member states agreed to continue with the draft rules of procedures, meaning all decisions would still require consensus. There was also a debate about whether negotiations should start from the revised zero draft or non-paper three. The consensus ruled in favour of starting at non-paper three as the negotiating text with the caveat the Member States could propose additional text. This allowed delegates to break into contact groups earlier than in previous sessions, a small but important step to keep discussions focused on substantive issues. Two new drafts of the treaty (non-papers) were produced throughout INC-5 with an agreement to resume session 5 with the “Chair’s Text” agreed by member states. 

From an outsider’s perspective, the negotiations may have appeared to spin in circles. This was further reinforced by major news reporting INC-5 as a failure with headlines such as, “U.N. treaty talks collapse”, “Countries fail to reach agreement in the UN plastic talks”, or “Negotiators fail to reach an agreement on a plastic pollution treaty”,  painting a picture of deadlock and disappointment. Such characterisations, however, miss a critical nuance: incremental progress often defines the rhythm of international treaties. Expectations to finalise the first-ever global plastic treaty within two and a half years of UNEA Resolution 5/14 at UNEA 5.2 in March 2022 were always ambitious, as they should be to address the urgency of this crisis. Naturally, there was disappointment. Many people who had been working on this process for a long time knew in the back of their minds that INC-5 was going to be a steep uphill battle to finalise a treaty and that additional INCs were likely.

Despite these challenges, INC-5 marked a subtle, yet significant turning point. For the first time, we saw a clear majority emerge with more than 100+ countries uniting in wanting a treaty that addresses the full lifecycle of plastics that includes production limits. This is in addition to many stakeholders and observers including youth, children, scientists, businesses, indigenous, frontline communities and rights holders having voiced this from the very beginning of negotiations, if not long before the treaty negotiations began. This emerging consensus on reduction-oriented measures contrasts sharply with the minority of member states wanting strictly a waste-management treaty, an approach that has been long favoured and known by less ambitious member states and industry stakeholders. Had negotiators settled for a weaker, waste management-focused deal in Busan, the world might have walked away with a quick agreement, but at the cost of ignoring scientists and jeopardising lasting solutions to protect vulnerable groups from the impacts of plastic pollution. Growing voices argue that no treaty is better than a weak one. 

Lessons from History

It is critical to look at these negotiations in the history of multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs). Building on decades of advocacy and awareness around plastic pollution, these negotiations are moving at a pace that reflects both urgency and complexity. While addressing the plastic crisis with this treaty is extremely urgent with current predictions seeing plastic production triple by 2060 without intervention negotiations are still going at a swift pace compared to other MEAs. Notably, the Paris Agreement took 6 years to negotiate, building from the momentum of decades of climate talks. The most recent High Seas Treaty, finalised in 2023, took nearly two decades of discussions and five years of formal negotiations. Countless other MEAs have taken more than two years to be negotiated. Even though the plastic treaty negotiations are being extended to 2025, if countries can agree, it would remain one of the fastest global environmental agreements ever forged. Based on INC-5 and the unity that has converged it is possible for countries to agree by the end of 2025, if not sooner.

Challenges and looking ahead

Negotiations are still expected to overcome plenty of challenges before reaching a conclusion. Observers were locked out for nearly half of the negotiations and must be included in all negotiations going forward. Youth delegates (35 and younger) continue to lack power and decision-making authority over their own future. Whether part of government delegations or observers, young people and future generations are set to be the most impacted by the plastic crisis. Some of the most contentious sections of the treaty include those addressing hazardous chemicals in plastics (Article 3), sustainable production (Article 6), and funding mechanisms (Article 11)., yet are some of the most important articles in the treaty. They must be ambitious with bold targets and robust funding mechanisms. Ultimately, this treaty will have a significant impact on our generation and those to come. It is up to us to decide how we want to change history.

While we await when and where session 5 will reconvene, it is evident the debate is no longer confined to the technicalities. It is a fundamental question of whether the treaty will embrace meaningful reductions in plastic production, supply, and demand and provide strong protection for vulnerable communities and ecosystems. Resisting compromise on ambitious goals and ensuring active engagement from all stakeholders, including youth, will determine the treaty’s trajectory. History suggests it will take time, and INC-5, far from failure, may be remembered as another critical stepping stone toward a strong, science-based, ambitious global plastics treaty. 

There are still many unresolved questions and concerns, including procedural matters and the critical issue of determining which document will serve as the basis for negotiations in section 5.2. Options include using the Chair’s text, combining different drafts, or allowing countries to make further changes to the text. A final critical question remaining from INC-5: Is multilateralism the right path forward for this treaty? While consensus has been foundational for treaty-making, the urgency of addressing the plastic crisis is a reason to look at alternative approaches such as voting on unresolved issues. Although untraditional in the treaty-making process, it could speed up the progress towards reaching an agreement.

The path forward requires bold and daring action to keep up the momentum by reconvening as soon as possible for session 5.2 because our generation and those to come are on the line if we do not get an ambitious treaty as soon as possible. 

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Reflections on INC-5: A Delayed Milestone, not a Failure

COP16 Results Explored:

Key Agreements and Missed Opportunities

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The conclusion of the 16th meeting of the Conference of Parties to the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD COP16) marks a pivotal moment in the global effort to address biodiversity loss and safeguard the planet’s ecosystems. Building on the commitments made in previous conferences, this year’s outcomes sought to turn ambitious goals into actionable solutions. 

Parties to the convention were set to negotiate on key issues for the future of biodiversity conservation, sustainable use, and equitable benefit-sharing. Securing funding for biodiversity was poised to be one of the most anticipated outcomes of this year’s COP. In addition, all eyes were set on countries’ National Biodiversity Strategies and Action Plans (NBSAP) submissions, as these documents are critical for assessing global progress toward halting biodiversity loss.

Let’s look at what COP16 delivered.

COP16 highlights

Indigenous people recognition

One of the largest successes of this 16th UN Biodiversity Conference is the historic adoption of a Program of Work and the establishment of a new permanent Subsidiary Body on Article (8)j to formally acknowledge the essential role of Indigenous peoples and local communities in biodiversity conservation efforts. This new body will serve as a platform to collaborate with Parties and other organisations, enabling the application and promotion of their traditional knowledge, innovations, and practices regarding biological diversity.

Additionally, addressing historical exclusions, an agreement was reached to recognise the contribution of Afro-descendant communities, rooted in traditional lifestyles, in implementing the Convention and supporting biodiversity conservation and sustainable use.

After more than three decades of persistent advocacy, these decisions marked a significant milestone for better inclusion and justice in decision-making, as it is the first time a UN environmental agreement has taken such a step

Financial resource mobilisation

Though parties agreed at COP15 to secure $200 billion annually by 2030 from all sources to support biodiversity initiatives worldwide, COP16 ended without much progress on this end. Unfortunately, only $163 million in new contributions were added to the already limited resources of the Global Biodiversity Framework (GBF) Fund

The establishment of a new biodiversity fund was a major goal of this year’s COP presidency and developing countries. However, as COP16 drew to a close the dissatisfaction and distrust between countries became evident as no agreement was reached on this issue.

It is also concerning to see the prevalence of biodiversity credits at COP16. Despite the lacklustre results of carbon credits, some parties still push for further commodification of biodiversity. We must be very critical of these initiatives so as to not repeat the mistakes made with voluntary carbon credit markets and to mitigate the negative effects of neoliberal conservation policies. 

Biodiversity credits must not detract from the commitments from governments to secure biodiversity financing.

Measuring progress

Of the CBD’s 196 Parties, the majority (119) submitted national biodiversity targets,  policy measures and actions (NBSAPs) to reach the goals of the GBF. However, many countries have yet to submit their NBSAPs, which is the primary document that supports the implementation of the biodiversity targets. Accelerating action on this front is paramount to meet the GBF’s goal of halting biodiversity decline by 2030.

Need a reminder of what NBSAPs are?

Check out our article: The Road from COP CBD 15 to COP CBD 16

Negotiators reached an agreement (still to be adopted) on finer details related to the global review set to take place at COP17 and 19. This review aims to assess the progress made towards the main goal of the GBF based on NBSAPs and national targets. However, the agreement reached does not specify any action, besides reviewing their NBSAPs, that must be taken by countries after such a review. 

Cali fund

This historic agreement actualises the agreement made at COP15 to develop a global mechanism to share the benefits of using Digital Sequence Information on genetic resources (DSI) fairly and equitably. 

The Cali fund is designed to return some of the proceeds from the use of biodiversity back to protect and restore nature where these funds are needed most. It specifically targets large corporations and entities that derive commercial benefits from DSI. These enterprises are now bound to contribute a portion of the revenues derived from DSI to the Cali fund.

These resources will support the implementation of the Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework (KMGBF), with developing countries benefiting from it the most.

Civil society engagement at COP

Branded “COP of the People” by the Colombian government, CBD COP 16 fostered citizen engagement with the creation of a “Green Zone, a space open to all designed for hosting a large variety of activities including workshops, conferences and exhibitions. During the event, this platform welcomed about 700 000 visitors such as NGOs, business representatives, academics and local communities that were able to connect with peers, engage with other stakeholders, exchange knowledge and share their views on CBDs thematic issues. Youth participation was ensured with the presence of a dedicated Youth Pavilion, led by the Global Youth Biodiversity Network (GYBN), within the Green Zone. 

However, the separation between this area and the “Blue zone”, room for formal negotiations of the Parties and dialogues with accredited observers, was criticised, as the public was left wishing for greater connection with policy-makers and interconnection between the two main zones. 

Recognised as the largest CBD COP in number of participants, COP 16 nonetheless highlighted the need for strengthening the integration of civil society, including youth, in direct discussions with governments. 

Conclusion 

The outcomes of COP16 show both very encouraging progress and significant remaining challenges in addressing the biodiversity crisis. 

With the Cali fund and the official recognition of Indigenous people and local communities, groundbreaking steps were made toward better inclusion and equity in biodiversity governance. 

On the other hand, the incapacity of the Parties to reach an agreement on financial commitments and the limited accountability mechanisms signal the immense work still needed to meet the ambitious goals of the Global Biodiversity Framework. “Making Peace with Nature”, the theme chosen by this year’s host country, will require core decisions from Member States in the follow-up meetings that will be held to address unresolved issues.

As youth, we remain committed to intensifying our efforts to hold leaders accountable and ensure that promises translate into tangible actions.

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COP16 Results Explored:

The EU’s Deforestation Law: Why the delay matters

Despite the law’s importance in combating deforestation, the European Union recently announced a 12-month delay.

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Where do the products we consume in Europe really come from? Alarmingly, studies reveal that around 10% of EU consumption is linked to global deforestation, particularly in industries like palm oil and soy production. As we face the urgent threats of climate change and biodiversity loss, this issue cannot be ignored. In response, the European Union introduced the European Union Deforestation Regulation (EUDR), which came into force on June 29, 2023.

What is the EUDR?

This landmark regulation is a significant step toward reducing global deforestation. The EU is addressing its responsibility as a major contributor to deforestation through the consumption of products like cattle, wood, cocoa, soy, palm oil, coffee, rubber, and their derivatives such as leather, chocolate, tyres, and furniture.

The European Union Deforestation Regulation (EUDR) is a key component of the EU Green Deal, specifically supporting its environmental and climate goals by addressing deforestation linked to global supply chains.

The EUDR seeks to ensure that these products, traded and consumed within the EU and globally, no longer contribute to deforestation and forest degradation. Companies dealing in these products are now required to perform due diligence, ensuring that the goods they sell in, or export from the EU are not sourced from land deforested or degraded after December 31, 2020.

However, despite the law’s importance in combating deforestation, the European Union recently announced a 12-month delay in its full implementation, which has drawn significant criticism from civil society. Originally set to take effect on December 30, 2024, the delay responds to concerns raised by international trading partners and industries, particularly during the UN General Assembly in New York.

What led to the delay?

Pressure from international trade partners and industries, especially those in countries like Indonesia and Malaysia – which produce 85% of the world’s palm oil – argue that the regulation is discriminatory and disproportionately affects small-scale farmers. Many smallholders lack the resources to comply with the EU’s new due diligence requirements. Critics note that the EU barely consulted external stakeholders before adopting the EUDR.

Yet, there is strong support for the EUDR among small-scale farmers in countries like Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire. A coalition of over 120 civil society organizations and farmers’ groups representing more than 700,000 cocoa producers has backed the regulation. They see it as an opportunity to improve their livelihoods and promote sustainable supply chains. This support emphasises that, with adequate resources, small-scale farmers can meet the required standards, highlighting the importance of solidarity and EU assistance.

Why is the delay so serious?

Forests are vital carbon sinks, absorbing large amounts of CO₂ from the atmosphere. Current deforestation levels are dangerously high, threatening forests’ potential to act as carbon sinks. Every month of inaction allows for more forest destruction, worsening the climate crisis, accelerating the extinction of species dependent on these ecosystems, and violating Indigenous peoples’ rights.

For example, the Malaysian state of Sarawak is at high risk of being cleared for timber and oil palm plantations supplying international markets, with the EU being the third-largest destination for Malaysian palm oil exports.

The EUDR is essential not only to address environmental degradation but also to combat human rights and labor violations often associated with deforestation. The delay also disregards the efforts of companies and EU trading partners who have invested resources to comply with the EUDR on time. Many of these companies are striving to adopt sustainable practices, and the postponement undermines their initiatives. The delay also fails to protect vulnerable communities in the Global South who rely on threatened ecosystems for their livelihoods.

The EU’s global environmental commitments are also at stake. This isn’t the first time critical climate regulations have faced delays. The Fit for 55 climate package, aiming to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 55% by 2030, and other key pieces of the European Green Deal have also encountered setbacks. Such delays raise doubts about the EU’s ability to achieve its long-term climate goals, threatening transparency and accountability.

What are the next steps?

The responsibility now lies with the European Parliament and the Council of Ministers to navigate international tensions and finalise the regulation’s implementation by 2025 through a formal vote. Further negotiations will likely involve compromises with trading partners and domestic industries, but it is crucial that the EUDR’s core environmental objectives remain intact.

There is also a crucial window of opportunity to support Least Developed Countries (LDCs) in the transition to sustainable supply chains. To prevent these countries from being left behind, the EU should increase financial and technical assistance, enabling LDCs to develop the necessary infrastructure and capacity to comply with the regulation, with a focus on supporting smallholder farmers. Most importantly, the EU must engage in continuous dialogue with LDC governments and stakeholders to address challenges and ensure a smooth, equitable transition.

What can you do?

Ensuring that the EUDR goes into full effect without further delay is essential to maintaining momentum in the fight against deforestation. As young citizens, we must ensure the EU remains committed to its environmental responsibilities. Here are some actions you can take:

  • 〇 Contact your Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) and urge them to prioritise the swift implementation of the EUDR.
  • 〇 Support environmental campaigns and create or sign petitions.
  • 〇 Learn more about this issue
  • 〇 Raise awareness about the importance of deforestation laws, sharing information with others to keep the pressure on decision-makers.

The time for action is now. Together, we can demand a future that protects both the environment and people.

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Creatures of the dark

While nighttime activities are popular with humans for a few nights a year, some creatures keep it creepy all year round.

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Slow Loris
Whip Spider
Spanish Moon Moth

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For many people, Halloween is the one time of the year when being active at night is a must, whether to remember those who have passed or to celebrate the macabre and supernatural.

While nighttime activities like trick-or-treating, themed parties, and haunted house visits are popular with humans for a few nights a year, some creatures keep it creepy all year round.

Why choose to be active at night?

For years, scientists have studied the advantages of nocturnality. A recent study now suggests that activity in darkness provides a survival advantage. This research points to four key survival benefits that helped nocturnal creatures outlast their daytime counterparts, especially during mass extinctions.

Let’s meet a few of these eerie night dwellers!

Adorable but deadly

We’ll start with arguably the cutest animal on this list. The Loris. As the common name, Slow Loris, for the species in the genus Nycticebus suggests, these beady-eyed mammals are not the fastest. But don’t be fooled by their harmless appearance as Lorises are the only venomous primates on the planet.

These dwellers of the night are specially adapted to life in the dark. Having large eyes increases their ability to capture light, improving night vision. When threatened, lorises use their bare patch that secretes oil, mixing it with saliva to create venom. Despite being really slow, these animals are skilled hunters using their slow pace to sneak up on unsuspecting prey. Truly giving new meaning to the saying “silent but deadly”.

A true creepy crawler

Now we move to a true creepy crawler, the whip spider. Despite what the name may suggest, these are not true spiders. Unlike true spiders in the order Araneae, whip spiders belong to the order Amblypygi. (See our previous article on why neither are insects!)

Whip spiders are, like their namesake, predators, hunting all kinds of arthropods. But unlike spiders, they do not possess silk glands for making webs. For this reason, they have developed an active hunting strategy. Using their modified legs, they sense prey items, once found they sprint towards them and grab the prey item with their spikey pedipalps. Witnessing this in action is sure to create an unsettling feeling in anyone. Whip spiders are found primarily in tropical to subtropical climates. They prefer moist dark places coming out to hunt when most of us are asleep. 

Endangered Beauty

For the third and final animal on our list, we stay in the realm of arthropods. Ever heard of the moon moth? Saturnia isabellae or Spanish moon moth is a moth in the large family called Saturniidae. Like most moths the Spanish moon moth flies during the night, searching for a partner or places to lay their eggs.

As the name suggests it is found in Spain, specifically the Pyrenees. What makes this species so special is that it lives in a relict population.

What is a relict (refuge) population?

A relict population is a remnant group of organisms that has survived in a restricted area after once being more widespread and diverse, often due to physical or climatic changes in its habitat.

During the last ice age, this species was more abundant, being well-adapted to the cold. However, as the climate changed it has been confined to all but the coldest parts of the Pyrenees. There its caterpillars feed on pine needles.

Having a restricted and fragmented range and with anthropogenic climate change further threatening its refuge habitat, means that this species is strictly protected under the EU Habitats directive.

So, this Halloween, when you’re out trick-or-treating or visiting a haunted house, remember at sundown all manner of mysterious creatures come alive. Keep your eyes peeled and who knows what you may come across.

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Creatures of the dark

Deconstructing Internalised Discrimination in Climate Activism

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Climate activism has grown into a powerful global movement, uniting people from diverse backgrounds in the fight against environmental degradation. However, despite its inclusivity on the surface, the movement is not immune to deeper issues of internalised discrimination, particularly within its own ranks. 

Internalised discrimination refers to the unconscious acceptance of the dominant culture’s prejudices and stereotypes by marginalised individuals, often leading to self-limiting beliefs and actions

In the context of climate activism, this can manifest as the perpetuation of environmental racism, the marginalisation of non-Western perspectives, and the reinforcement of Eurocentric ideologies that fail to account for the diverse experiences and knowledge systems of affected communities.

Internalised discrimination in climate activism can have several detrimental effects:

  • It may lead to the exclusion of voices from the Global South, Indigenous communities, and other marginalised groups, whose experiences and traditional knowledge are crucial in crafting effective and just climate solutions. 
  • It can create a hierarchical structure within the movement that prioritises certain voices over others, often aligning with historical patterns of oppression and colonialism. This not only weakens the movement’s moral foundation but also undermines its effectiveness by disregarding comprehensive and culturally relevant solutions to climate challenges.

Key Issues

  1. Environmental Racism: Internalised discrimination often manifests through environmental racism, where the voices of marginalised communities, particularly those of colour, are sidelined or ignored in environmental advocacy. These communities are disproportionately affected by environmental hazards yet frequently excluded from decision-making processes. Addressing internalised discrimination requires acknowledging and actively countering this imbalance.
  2. Eurocentric Thinking: Climate activism, particularly in Western contexts, can be dominated by Eurocentric thinking that overlooks or undervalues the contributions and perspectives of non-Western cultures. This can lead to the imposition of solutions that are not suitable for all regions, particularly those in the Global South, where the impacts of climate change are most severe. Deconstructing this bias involves recognising the value of indigenous knowledge and practices, and integrating these into the global discourse on climate action.
  3. Bias and Representation: Activists from marginalised backgrounds may internalise negative stereotypes, leading to self-doubt or a belief that their perspectives are less valid. This can result in lower participation rates among these groups, reinforcing the dominance of more privileged voices. Combating this requires intentional strategies to uplift and empower underrepresented activists within the movement.

Strategies for Change

  • Education and Awareness: Raising awareness about internalised discrimination and its impact on the movement is a crucial first step. Educational initiatives should focus on helping activists recognise and address their own biases, as well as those embedded in the movement’s structures.
  • Inclusive Leadership: Promoting leadership roles for individuals from marginalised communities can help diversify perspectives and approaches within the movement. This can also provide role models for others, fostering a more inclusive environment.
  • Cross-Cultural Collaboration: Encouraging partnerships between activists from different cultural backgrounds can help break down Eurocentric barriers and foster a more global perspective on climate action. These collaborations should be based on mutual respect and a recognition of the unique contributions each group brings to the table.
  • Policy Advocacy: Advocating for policies that address environmental racism and promote equity in climate action is essential. This includes pushing for greater inclusion of marginalised communities in decision-making processes at all levels.

Deconstructing internalised discrimination within climate activism is essential for building a truly inclusive and effective movement. By addressing issues like environmental racism and Eurocentric thinking, and by promoting strategies for inclusive leadership and cross-cultural collaboration, we can ensure that the voices of all those affected by climate change are heard and valued. This not only strengthens the movement but also leads to more just and sustainable solutions to the global climate crisis.

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The Road from COP CBD 15 to COP CBD 16

From Commitment to Action

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Looking back at COP 15 

With the next conference of the parties to the convention on biological diversity (COP 16) right around the corner, let’s look back at what was achieved the last time around. The most important achievement of COP 15 was the adoption of the Kunming-Motreal Global Biodiversity Framework (GBF). After 4 years of negotiations,  a post-2020 Global Biodiversity Framework was finally adopted. This new GBF follows a  failure on behalf of the parties to achieve the targets set out in the previous decade. The new framework sets out 4 ambitious goals for halting biodiversity loss and the sustainable use of genetic resources. Transforming our relationship with nature and be nature positive by 2050

Key Points of the GBF:

  • Goals for 2050: The framework sets out four long-term goals to achieve a vision of living in harmony with nature by 2050.

  • Targets for 2030: There are 23 specific targets to be achieved by 2030, focusing on conservation, sustainable use, and equitable sharing of benefits from biodiversity.

  • Global Vision: The overarching vision is to ensure that by 2050, biodiversity is valued, conserved, restored, and wisely used, maintaining ecosystem services, sustaining a healthy planet, and delivering benefits essential for all people.

To achieve these goals the framework sets out 23 targets. These global targets must be achieved by 2030. By far the most significant target is the so-called 30 by 30 which aims at restoring 30% of terrestrial and aquatic ecosystems by 2030. We discuss the outcomes of COP 15 and go more in depth on some of the targets in a previous article. 

Broadly the targets can be divided into 3 key areas:

  1. Minimising risks to biodiversity.
  2. Addressing human needs through sustainable utilisation and equitable benefit-sharing.
  3. Strategies and solutions for implementation and integration.

What’s at stake COP 16

“A world living in harmony with nature by 2050”. That was the vision set forth by countries at COP 15. As the first COP being held after the adoption of the global biodiversity framework, COP 16 will serve as the first review moment for this framework. The parties to the convention are tasked with reviewing the protocol’s state of implementation, additionally, they must show that their National Biodiversity Strategies and Action Plans (NBSAPs – explained in the next section) are in alignment with the new targets and goals of the framework. 

At COP 16, the parties will also enhance the monitoring framework and improve resource mobilisation for the Global Biodiversity Framework. Among other responsibilities, COP 16 is also expected to complete and implement the multilateral mechanism for the fair and equitable sharing of benefits derived from the use of digital sequence information on genetic resources. 

What are National Biodiversity Strategies and Action Plans (NBSAPs)

National Biodiversity Strategies and Action Plans (NBSAPs) are essential tools for countries to plan how they will protect and use their biodiversity sustainably. According to Article 6 of the Convention on Biological Diversity, every country that is part of the convention must create these plans.

NBSAPs outline each country’s specific actions and strategies to meet the goals of the convention. They also show how these biodiversity plans are integrated into other national policies and sectors, ensuring a coordinated approach to biodiversity conservation.

So, NBSAPs will serve as the main tool for implementing the GBF at the national level, with parties monitoring and reviewing their progress towards achieving the GBF goals and targets through regular National Reports. These reports contribute to the Global Biodiversity Outlook, which periodically summarises the latest data on global biodiversity status and trends and analyses the global community’s efforts to conserve and sustainably use biodiversity. They are the keys to the goals to be achieved. Unlike the previous ones, goal D provides the technical and financial means necessary to achieve the other 3 goals.

Want to know what’s in your country’s NBSAPs including the European Biodiversity Strategy?

Take a look at the latest submissions.

Together, we can make a difference. Join us in sharing our vision for COP16 and ensure our voices are heard.

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The Road from COP CBD 15 to COP CBD 16

Bottom Trawling: The controversial history of an unsustainable practice

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What is Bottom Trawling?

Fisheries are an essential resource, supporting human well-being and sustaining the livelihoods of billions of people worldwide, especially in coastal communities. As a major economic sector, fisheries have profound socio-political and environmental impacts. Various fishing techniques are employed globally, each selected based on factors such as the target species, fish behaviour, location, and timing. Bottom trawling is a widespread fishing practice which accounts for approximately 26 per cent of the total fish catch within the Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZ) and on the high seas. 

 An exclusive economic zone, as prescribed by the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, is an area of the sea in which a sovereign state has exclusive rights regarding the exploration and use of marine resources, including fishing.

This practice is especially prevalent in Europe, North America, and East Asia, where it is used to harvest a variety of marine species, including cod, shrimp and squid. Bottom trawling involves dragging a weighted net or a rigid frame along the ocean floor, a method that is often confused but is distinct from pelagic trawling, which targets fish in the water column. 

Environmental impacts

Originating in the United Kingdom during the 1300s, bottom trawling underwent significant industrialization in the 20th century due to advancements in technology. Over time, various trawling gear, including beam trawls and otter trawls, have been developed to suit different environments and species, impacting the environment in diverse ways. Despite its economic advantages, bottom trawling is contentious due to its considerable environmental and ecological impacts. It is linked to several major threats to biodiversity, such as the overharvesting of target species, bycatch of non-target species, and the destruction of seabed habitats. Studies have shown that this method reduces marine species diversity and biomass, often favouring short-lived species, which disrupts the ecosystem’s food web and functioning. This disruption can lead to a decrease in prey availability for commercially important fish.

The practice of bottom trawling is also under scrutiny for its contribution to greenhouse gas emissions. Fisheries collectively use about 40 billion litres of fuel annually, generating approximately 179 million tonnes of CO2-equivalent emissions, which accounts for 4% of the global food production emissions. Among these, bottom trawling is particularly harmful, as it releases carbon dioxide stored in the seafloor into the atmosphere, contributing to global warming. Without bottom trawling, this carbon could be safely stored under the sea bed. Research from 2021 found that continuously trawled areas at depth of 500 metres has 30% less organic carbon in the sediment at similar depths where trawling was banned for just two months. This 30% reduction is significant, as it showcases how bottom trawling can drastically deplete organic carbon that would otherwise remain sequestered in marine sediments. Additionally, an older study indicated that bottom-trawl fisheries emit nearly three times more greenhouse gases compared to non-trawl fisheries, furtherly highlighting the serious impact on climate change. 

Socio-economic impacts

The socio-economic effects of bottom trawling are varied and significant, though comprehensive formal documentation is limited. A recent report from Steadman and others highlights key areas of impact, including economic consequences, social conflicts, food security, harbour conditions, and health and safety. While bottom trawling can provide affordable fish, its economic impact is felt differently across various communities. It often depletes resources that small-scale fishers depend on, impacting food security for coastal communities. For example, in Southeast Asia small-scale fisheries support millions through direct consumption and aquaculture feed, benefiting lower-income populations. Beyond these economic and social consequences, bottom trawling has also been linked to human rights abuse, particularly in regions with weaker regulatory systems. Regional variations in socio-economic impacts are also evident. For example, Scotland’s Inshore Exclusion Zone (IEZ), established in 1889 to protect small-scale fishers by banning bottom trawling within three miles of the shore, was repealed in 1984. This change allowed bottom trawling to encroach on inshore waters, leading to the collapse of local fisheries, heightened conflicts, and the loss of traditional cultural practices. 

Regulatory framework

In response to the significant environmental and socio-economic challenges posed by bottom trawling, Europe has developed a range of regulatory frameworks. The Marine Strategy Framework Directive (MSFD), introduced in 2008, has been a key legislative instrument aimed at protecting the marine environment across Europe, with a focus on achieving Good Environmental Status (GES) of marine waters . However, as environmental pressures have evolved, so too have the strategies to address them. The European Union has now placed increased emphasis on the Marine Action Plan (MAP), which is part of the broader European Green Deal and aims at making fishing practices more sustainable. This includes transitioning to more selective fishing gear, utilising technological innovations to reduce bycatch of sensitive species, and gradually phasing out mobile bottom trawling in all Marine Protected Areas (MPAs) by 2030 .

Call for collective action

While bottom trawling remains a vital part of the global fishing industry, its environmental and socio-economic impacts cannot be overlooked. Recent efforts in Europe, particularly through the latest Marine Action Plan, signal a shift towards more sustainable fishing practices. Greece and Sweden have taken a significant step by banning bottom trawling within all their National Parks and Marine Protected Areas (Greece) and the entirety of their territorial waters (Sweden), setting a positive example that more European countries might follow. 

Many NGOs, such as Oceana and Seas at Risk, are at the forefront of efforts to phase out bottom trawling, including this campaign urging the EU to take stronger action against Member States that continue to allow bottom trawling in Marine Protected Areas. Similarly,  the Transform Bottom Trawling Coalition is working to build a global movement aimed at restoring ocean health by eliminating destructive fisheries, while protecting the livelihoods of communities who depend on a sustainable ocean. Achieving these goals will require collective actions from all stakeholders – policymakers, industry and consumers – who must work together to phase out destructive practices and ensure sustainability of our oceans for future generations. 

As we continue to explore these issues, a series of webinars will follow this article offering deeper insights and discussions on the future of bottom trawling. We invite you to join these sessions and contribute to shaping a more sustainable future for our oceans! 

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